Demonstrations, Democracy and Dreams Deferred

October 7, 1989 marked 40 years of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), or East Germany, a repressive Communist state that divided post-war Germany politically, economically, socially and culturally.

East Berlin, the country’s capital, was the site of great fanfare, hosting a military parade, a reception in the Palace of the Republic for foreign dignitaries, and a torchlit procession led by 100,000 of the country’s most devoted youth.

That same evening, over 10,000 demonstrators gathered 150 miles to the southwest in Plauen, a mid-sized town in the state of Saxony, to call for free elections, press freedom, freedom to travel and a credible multi-party system. The protest was part of a growing movement known as the Peaceful Revolution that worked throughout autumn 1989 for a more democratic GDR. Two days later, 70,000 people marched in nearby Leipzig, where the Peaceful Revolution began, in the most explosive and influential protest to date. One month later, the Berlin Wall fell and the reunification process began in earnest. On October 3, 1990, the GDR officially ceased to exist, a date now known as German Unity Day.

Saxony may be the home of the Peaceful Revolution, but neighboring Thuringia was also committed to fostering democratic change. From just 25 protesters in the town of Nordhausen to over 15,000 in the state capital of Erfurt, Thuringians, too, fought for a free and fair political system. Reunification brought them pluralism and press freedom, but it also ushered in a host of problems: nearly 20% unemployment, uncertain housing and property claims, and the overall loss of the Communist welfare state, all of which drastically altered Thuringia’s social fabric. The stress of this new, unsteady reality caused deaths related to heart disease and alcoholism to skyrocket in Thuringia and throughout the East in the 1990s and early 2000s.

In 2000, the Thuringia state government commissioned a study, the Thüringen-Monitor, to assess the status of political culture and attitudes ten years after reunification. The Monitor is based on an annual survey, a focus of which is Thuringians’ satisfaction with democracy both in theory and in practice. In its inaugural year, the survey found that 42% of respondents believed that democracy was the best form of government. Only 8% disagreed, but 49% remained uncertain a decade after unification. Nonetheless, the vast majority of Thuringians believed that the benefits of merging with West Germany outweighed the disadvantages. Respondents aged 18-24 were the most enthusiastic about reunification, with 78% in favor. The challenges were ongoing, but young Thuringians remained optimistic.

Twenty-five years later, the Thüringen Monitor seems in some ways stuck in time. The most recent edition shows that 88% of Thuringians believe democracy is the best form of government, but just 43% are satisfied with it in practice—nearly even with the 2000 result. Since 2001, the Monitor has also asked respondents to classify their relationship to democracy. In 2024, “satisfied” democrats comprise 42% of the population, a 15-year low. “Unsatisfied” democrats make up a plurality of 46%. Those who are “skeptical” of democracy account for 8%, and 4% say that they are “anti-democratic”. The latter two groups are also more likely to believe that reunification has disadvantaged them in the long term. They have significantly less trust in politicians and institutions, and are more likely to hold right-wing extremist views. Fully 41% of respondents believed that the GDR had more positive than negative aspects. This figure has been on the decline since the early 2000s, but remains high enough to show that the promise of German unity did not pan out as many had expected at the turn of the century.

This dissatisfaction has had political consequences. It has helped lead to the rise of the far-right, xenophobic, certified extremist Alternative for Germany (AfD) in Thuringia, often considered the most extreme of the party’s state affiliates. The AfD rose to prominence following Germany’s 2015 migration influx, preying on anxieties about cultural differences, social welfare and job loss. The uncertainty of that time recalled the turbulent post-reunification period for many in the East, on which the AfD has capitalized by co-opting language from the Peaceful Revolution, including its celebrated “We are the People” chant. In the 2025 federal election, 38.6% of Thuringian voters cast ballots for the AfD, nearly double the national average. A poll seven months after that race found that 37% would support the AfD in the next election for the state legislature, the most popular party by far.

By all accounts, the AfD platform runs counter to the foundations of German democracy. And yet, 35 years after flooding the streets in celebration of a singular, free Germany, this is the party that a plurality of Thuringians best feel represents them. The 2025 Monitor offers a silver lining, however. Many Thuringians register disappointment with democracy, but this has not correlated to support for another form of government. It may be impossible to close the gap between support for democracy in theory and in practice, but to create a better future, maybe it is wise to take a lesson from the past. East Germans fought for a system in which they are seen and heard, and but eastern Germans today remain underrepresented in the Federal Republic. Just three out of 17 cabinet members in the current government are from the East. No easterner heads a top 100 company in the country, and a survey across 13 business sectors found that eastern Germans hold only 12% of leadership positions despite comprising nearly 20% of the national population. Eastern German issues are German issues, and to not acknowledge structural disparities such as pensions, property ownership and social mobility will continue to hinder true unity. Representation itself is not a cure, but it is often the first step towards finding solutions.

Democracy works best when it is inclusive, and when there is the promise for real change. However, these processes will take time. The GDR has been gone for 35 years, but it existed for 41. Although there are some worrying trends in the 2025 Thüringen-Monitor, overall support for democracy is high, “ostalgie” lessens each year, and the majority of Thuringians support a free and open society; just like the one they fought for in the autumn of 1989.

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