Substance, Not Semantics

Rather than focus on the undefined label of “associate membership,” the EU and Canada can use the current moment to deepen practical cooperation in defense, trade, education, the Arctic, and critical minerals.

On September 16, President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen gave the State of the European Union address, the annual speech that lays out the Commission’s political agenda in front of members of the European Parliament (EP). This year, her address focused heavily on the polycrisis Europe faces and then laid out steps that would allow it to pave its own independent path. But perhaps the most striking component of the address was von der Leyen’s endorsement of Canada becoming an “associate member” of the European Union (EU).

Von der Leyen’s phrasing of “associate member” likely surprised many in attendance—possibly even Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney. In his subsequent address to the EP, he steered away from using the same term. The feasibility of Canada’s associate membership in the EU is questionable, largely because there’s no specific legal definition of what an associate membership means under EU treaties. Even so, the idea should serve as inspiration for ways that Canada and the EU could further cooperate and develop their alliance.

What’s in an EU Membership?

Under the EU treaties, there is no such thing as an “associate member.” European countries can join the EU only after a rigorous negotiation process through which they gain obligations and privileges of a full member. The often long duration of the process has been an ongoing source of criticism. Some candidate countries, especially the Western Balkans, have been in the waiting room for decades. To speed up this process there have been proposals of gradual integration, where candidate countries would gain certain integration privileges before becoming full members. But this has only been envisaged for countries that are on track to becoming full members of the Union.

Aside from EU membership, the EU also has various other cooperation arrangements with countries across the world. For example, under the European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement, Norway, Liechtenstein, and Iceland (which recently rejected restarting negotiations for full membership) participate in the EU single market as well as some other EU research and educational programs. Then there are strategic partnership agreements, free trade agreements and, most recently, security and defense partnerships the EU can conclude with countries or other international actors. Although the loose frameworks of these agreements are often blamed for limited tangible outcomes, they allow the EU the flexibility to tailor its cooperation with like-minded partners across the globe.

EU-Canada Relations: A Powerful Dynamic by Any Name

For a long time, trade was the key driver of EU-Canada relations, and the Comprehensive and Economic Trade Agreement (CETA) served as the main avenue of cooperation between the entities. However, recent tensions in the EU and Canada’s relationship with their closest ally the United States have brought the two closer to one another. Last year’s EU-Canada summit in Brussels resulted in an ambitious agenda to deepen the relationship beyond CETA. Since then, Canada and the EU have signed a Security and Defense Partnership to strengthen security and defense-industrial cooperation and announced negotiations on a digital trade agreement.

The prospect of Canada’s so-called associate membership has heightened the expectations for deliverables ahead of the next EU-Canada Summit in Montreal this October. However, the term itself should not become a distraction. The rigidity of the EU enlargement process is often blamed for lack of progress, and the EU-Canada relationship should not subject itself to similar legal constraints. At least not at this moment.

For now, both sides should instead focus on deeper cooperative integration in specific areas. For example, Canada's participation in the Security Action for Europe (SAFE) instrument creates a basis for joint defense projects, and the next step is for Ottawa and Brussels to provide deliverables. Canada could also join the Erasmus+ student exchange program, as Mark Carney proposed, creating lasting educational and cultural bonds across the Atlantic. And as the EU also drafts its new Arctic Strategy, it should build Canadian expertise into its Arctic capabilities. Critical minerals offer the same opportunity. Finally, the EU should do its homework and fully ratify CETA before promising further integration in other areas. Such progress can then serve as a springboard to work on a more structured (and labeled) partnership in the future.

Although associate membership is not currently a realistic possibility, it does invite both sides to think ambitiously about the future of the EU-Canada relationship. Instead of getting creative with names, Canada and the EU can focus on getting creative with tangible ways to channel their already valuable and fruitful partnership. By doing so, the EU and Canada hold the power to collaboratively shape a new transatlantic dynamic.

Print